1        In the Morning Session

(At the discussion followed after the submission of the executive report):

With due respect to you Mr Chairman, I wish to make a suggestion pertaining to the problems encountered by the Minority Muslim Communities of the world.

We understand that, out of the total population of the World Muslim Community, 55% are living as minorities in non-Muslim countries and only 45% are living with majority status in the Muslim Countries.

We therefore request this conference to permanently set apart adequate time in the agenda in future to discuss the problems encountered by those minority Muslims pertaining to their religious and cultural rights; so that we could at the end of our deliberation pass resolutions if necessary with the view to approach the respective governments in a very friendly and cordial manner with a request to help the minority Muslims.

(In his response the Secretary General Dr Mohamed Ahamed Sheriff thanked Mr. Hasen Ali, for bringing this matter to the notice of the conference and assured that this request would receive utmost attention)

2        In the evening Session

The Chairman, Distinguished Members of the World Islamic People’s Leadership.

Let me at the outset inform you that the leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress Hon. Rauff Hakeem, M.P. could not be present here before you today despite his strong eagerness and desire to participate at this meeting due to pressing and urgent commitments back home and hence I am here representing the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress before this august assembly. I carry with me Hon. Rauff Hakeem’s sincere regrets for not being present before you and his greetings to all of you together with my greetings and salaams.

Assalaamu alaikum  warahmathullahi wabarakathuhu.

I consider this as a great privilege and honour for me to speak at this important forum of the World Islamic People’s Leadership, which brings together the most influential members of our Umma.

I do not know how many of you gathered here are familiar with the on going ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka and the Muslim dimension in particular, I consider it my duty to dwell upon the current state of affairs with a focus on the marginalised Muslim dimension in the search towards achieving a lasting and durable solution to the said ethnic conflict with the view of drawing your kind attention.

In this context it is pertinent for me to briefly set out a few facts about Sri Lanka that would help me introduce the Muslim Dimension in the right perspective.

The current population in Sri Lanka is about 20 to 21 Million people. This population comprises of three major ethnic communities. They are the Sinhalese, the Tamils and the Muslims. The Sinhalese community is the numerically largest making about 74% of the total population. The second largest community is the Tamil community that comprises of two segments one is the Sri Lankan Tamils constituting of about 12.5% and the Tamils of Indian origin making about 6% of the total population. The next largest ethnic community is the Muslims who constitute about 8% of the total population.

Despite constituting a sizeable segment of the total population and a distinct ethnic community there has been concerted and restrained manures and campaigns to down play the Muslim dimension and the Muslim aspirations and to sweep them under the carpet as it were in the discourse that takes place with regard to the ethnic conflict and aimed solutions thereto.

Therefore I intend to place before you the legitimate aspirations, the issues of concern to the Muslim community in Sri Lanka. I set out to do so not with the intention of listing a host of grievances and complaints suffered by the Muslim community, but in a spirit of seeking your advice and co-operation on the vexed issues confronting the Muslim community.

Our country is composed of three distinct nationalities. They are the Sinhalese who constitute the majority in the country, the Tamils who constitute a significant section of the population and enjoy an area of historic habitation and the Muslims who are also spread over the length and breadth of the country. Although the Muslims speak Tamil, historically they are treated as a separate ethnic community. Muslims belong to a different religion and a different culture and also have identified areas of historical habitation in the Northern and the Eastern provinces.

The Muslim community of Sri Lanka is a unique community in many respects.

Firstly, it is a community which branched off from the Hashemite Arabs who took residence in Sri Lanka in the sixth century and before. The advent of Muslims from Arabia, Malaya and South India at different phases of the history of Sri Lanka and their integration with the pre-existing Muslim society strengthened its distinct identity as a community separate from the rest of the population of Sri Lanka, because of the religious and cultural values they shared in common.

Secondly, the Muslim community has, throughout its history, been a compact society primarily because of the strong emphasis in unity and community life in Islam. This factor, along with the cohesive nature of the Muslim community in Sri Lanka, brought about by the anti-Islamic posturing adopted by the colonial powers and by the pre-independent Tamil Leadership which claimed that Muslims were part of the Tamil community, made the Muslims into a politically conscious entity, because of the collective, uniform political responses that the Muslims have consistently advanced in the political arena.

The third factor which makes the Muslim community a unique group is the bridge building role that it has played historically between the Tamil community and the Sinhalese community in Sri Lanka. Unlike the Sri Lankan Tamils, two thirds of whom live in the Northern and Eastern Provinces, which are claimed as their homeland, we the Muslims live generally dispersed throughout the country.

Only one third of our Muslim population live in the Northern and Eastern provinces of Sri Lanka. Of this number, a preponderant majority are found in the coastal areas of the Eastern Province, namely Kalmunai, Sammanthurai and Pottuvil electorates which together constitute the only Muslim zone of contiguity in the entire country. 

In our country, colonisation has been accepted as one of the main grievances affecting the minorities namely Muslims and Tamils. The United National Party, one of the oldest and the single largest political party in the parliament of our country, in its election manifest of 1977, identified colonisation as being one of the main grievances that has led to the present ethnic conflict in the country.

Let me give you some statistical facts of the population changes that took place due to state aided colonization over a period of time in the three districts of the   Eastern Province of Sri Lanka where the largest concentration of Sri Lanka’s Muslim people were living for centuries. 

According to 1921 census, the Sinhalese were 3% of the population in the Trincomalee district and 4.5% in the combined Batticaloa and Ampara districts. There were less than 4% Sinhalese population in the entire Eastern Province, which is a predominant habitation area of the minorities. But according to the census of 1981 the Sinhalese population in the eastern province rose up to 25%.  

According to the 1971 census, the ethnic composition of the Ampara District comprised of 47% Muslims, 30% Sinhalese and 23% Tamils. In the year 2004 this figure changed to 41% Muslims, 40% Sinhalese and 19% Tamils. Similar changes are noticeable in the population chart of the Trincomalee District as well.

Attempts are still being systematically and continuously made to dilute the strength of the Muslim community of this District through various means.

The minority community’s main accusation is that the majority community which comprised only 9.8 percent of the North-East population in 1946 increased to the present level of 25 percent solely due to colonized settlements. Demarcation of borders for districts also contributed to it. 

At District levels too, the minority communities were discriminated against. Sixty six percent of the land area was allocated for 36 percent Sinhalese in Ampara District while 70 percent of land was allocated for 34 percent Sinhalese in the Trincomalee District. 

Traditionally colonisation schemes have been an instrument to reduce the Muslim numerical majority in the Eastern Province by the allocation of lands to the Sinhalese. In future, it is important that all new colonisation should be put to a halt to allay Muslim apprehensions. We, suggest that a mechanism is created and proper complaint procedure evolved to ensure compliance with this proposal.

Similarly the Muslim population which was 32.5 percent in the North-East during the signing of the Indo-Ceylon Peace Agreement of July 87 has today been reduced to a mere 17 percent. This accord signed between India and Sri Lanka behind the back of our community brought about the merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces, then the unleashing of violence and terror on the Muslims and the continued refusal to recognise the Muslims as a Community with the distinct Political identity brought a drastic change in the attitude among the Muslims. The Muslims began to more consciously and collectively, identify and assert themselves as a separate community, distinct from the so-called Tamil speaking nation. I am proud to state here that the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress under the leadership of the founder leader Marhoom M.H.M. Ashraff gave effective leadership and guidance to the Muslim community in its struggle to preserve a separate identity in the political and social arena.

The Muslims had suffered a series of tragic events during the last two decades.

The Muslims from the Northern Province were forced to leave their homes in the third week of October 1990. The Ultimatum in many places was they should leave the region within 48 hours. The forced eviction of Muslims by the Tamil Tigers from the Northern Province was a traumatic experience. They currently live in limbo often in desperate conditions with no clear understanding of their right to return, right to access their property, and the accessing of services from the administrative area to which they belong. The expulsion effectively destroyed the future of a generation of Northern Muslim youths through deprivation of their access to education, their traditional lands and livelihoods. At present, there are about 75,000 Muslim refugees living in the North-western coastal region in the Puttalam district. The report on assets of Muslim refugees was submitted to the Parliament in 1992 contained a detailed estimate of the losses suffered by these people. According to the estimates, the Muslim families ousted from the north have lost wealth of multiple kinds to the tune of Rs. 5408 million (54 million US$). Of this, a total of Rs. 2967 million (29.67 million US$) would have been considered recoverable if Muslim families had been allowed to return to their homes immediately after expulsion. The non-recoverable loss of the Northern Muslims is Rs.2441(24.42 US$) millions.

The Sri Lanka Muslim Congress last week conducted a series of awareness programmes both in Sri Lanka and London with the view to internationalise the plight of the forcefully evicted Muslims 16 years ago.

The joint communiqué released by the LTTE and the SLMC in 2002 envisages appointment of a committee to supervise the return of the displaced as soon as conditions are appropriate. The urgent question here is whether the displaced wish to return to their habitation in a prevailing atmosphere of uncertainty. The question of compensation for loss of property needs to be given serious consideration.

The forced eviction of Muslims from the Northern and the Eastern provinces had also resulted in the forceful occupation of lands belonging to the Muslims by the other communities. To a larger extent, it applies to Muslim-owned paddy lands in Tamil dominant areas. Nearly 45,000 acres of paddy lands belonging to Muslims of the Eastern province were forcibly taken over by the Tamil militants and agricultural produce confiscated. The lands cultivated by Muslim evictees from the Northern Province continue to remain under the control of the LTTE. Besides, agricultural implements and others, motor vehicles were also taken away by force as also the cattle owned by the Muslims.

Under the law of property in force in our country, a landowner loses his right of possession, if his property is occupied by a usurper for 10 years. It is now the 16^th year, since we Muslims in the North have lost our properties.

A politico-military strategy of the LTTE has always been put in place to weaken the economic power of the Muslim community. In order to realise this objective, the LTTE, as was the case with other Tamil militants, have targeted economic ventures and business places of the Muslims. Robbing of business goods and abduction of businessmen for ransom remain the common spectre in the North-east.

Another form of economic destabilisation is discernible in the widely reported incidents of extortion from the Muslim community even after the Ceasefire Agreement has been concluded.

The politically motivated violence against the Muslim community in the rest of the country has had, as its major thrust, the destabilisation of the Muslim economy. 

In many instances, in the Northern and Eastern provinces, the cultural and religious symbols of the Muslim community have come under attack from the LTTE and other Tamil militant groups. The grenade attack on a mosque in Akkaraipattu, a predominant Muslim village, and massacre of Muslims at congregation at Muslim villages called Kattankudy and Eravur, as well as cold-blooded murder of Hajj returnees in 1990 demonstrate the extent of intolerance shown towards the religion and culture of the Muslims. The massacres in Mosques and places of religious worship, which alone took over 500 lives, were another traumatic experience. These types of continued attacks on lives and property have left a dark shadow of insecurity for all Muslims living in the North and East.

The fact that we the Muslim people have not resorted to violence as a means of achieving our just demands evinces the delicate, but conscious role that we continue to play in Sri Lanka. Throughout history Muslims have used diplomacy and moderation in our relations with all the people living in this Island, whether they are Tamils or Sinhalese. We Muslims have always sought peaceful co-existence with all communities.

Let me take this opportunity to make it clear to the International Community in general and the Members of the World Islamic People’s Leadership in particular, that we are open minded and that according the status of minority on equal terms with other communities and with entrenched provisions for equitable power-sharing, security arrangements, fundamental rights and freedoms will be an option worth addressing.

Nevertheless our specific position on this issue will depend on how the manifest parties in the envisaged peace negotiations are going to approach the question of political status of the Sinhalese and Tamils and of the polity of Sri Lanka on the whole. To that extent, we would reserve the right to determine our political future. 

Political competition, economic insecurity and intolerance have led to numerous gross human rights violations committed against the Muslim people. To day, I am not in a position to exhaustively deal with the numerous gross human rights violations, which have been perpetrated against a defenceless people. In view of time constraint, I will briefly say our grievances emanate from state aided colonisation, forcible eviction of Muslims, unlawful take over of lands and other economic means, denial of fishing rights and non respect for religion and culture. 

As I stated earlier, the Muslim Community has responded to all these developments through democratic means and with maturity and sagacity. The increasing support that the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress has received from the Muslims at successive elections since 1988 and the significant number of seats that it has secured in the Parliamentary, Provincial Councils and Local Authority elections until recently, the number of elected members being more than 150, demonstrate that it is a political force to reckon with in any efforts at seeking negotiated settlement of the problems affecting the Muslims of the Northern and Eastern Provinces.

In acknowledgement of the preponderant mandate that the SLMC has received from the Muslims Mr. Pirapaharan, Leader of the LTTE militants reached an agreement with Hon. Rauf Hakeem, the Leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress on the 13^th April 2002 on the treatment of the Muslim community, including recognition of its distinct identity and the Tamil – Muslim relations.

This agreement was a step in the right direction and had addressed most of the fundamental issues of concern with regard to the Muslim Community including the acceptance of the right of the Muslims to be separately represented as a party at the peace negotiations.

The LTTE has apologised to the Muslims for the wrongs committed against the Muslim community in the past. The LTTE has invited the forcibly evicted Muslims to return to their original habitats and has apparently resolved to build good-will in other necessary areas.  Having agreed the LTTE did little to put all these agreements in practice and as a result Muslims continue to suffer.

The issue of separate and independent representation for the Muslims at peace negotiations still remains un-fulfilled.  

Power sharing arrangements are an essential requirement for enabling distinct communities to participate effectively in the decision-making and decision-implementing processes at national and regional levels concerning matters that affect their lives.

In conclusion may I be permitted to urge the Members of the World Islamic People’s Leadership to address seriously the issues that I have mentioned in my intervention today – which with humility I concede are by no means exhaustive - with the view to suggesting acceptable measures for the effective accommodation of the Rights and protection of the Muslims in Sri Lanka.

We do not believe that the Government or the LTTE are equipped to negotiate on our behalf.  In fact we totally reject that notion.  The Govt. as representing the state expected to take a broader view on all matters.  The LTTE as they have already shown would argue for self-rule.  This leaves our dimension in abeyance. We are not fighting to gain a separate state like the Tamil militants. We are only struggling to preserve our separate identity and achieve a meaningful power sharing arrangement for our community at the negotiating table.

We the Muslims of Sri Lanka have acquired a status of a party to the ethnic conflict though we are not a party to the armed conflict. Therefore the International community and the Muslim world need to recognize as such.  We are entitled to participate at all peace related activities with an equal stake holder status.

I therefore earnestly urge this august assembly to please adopt a resolution to the effect that the Muslim Community of Sri Lanka should be included in all the future peace related negotiations as a separate entity with equal stake holder status.

Thank you